Tag: primary care

  • Fireman or Doctor?

    In college, I met with the pre-med Dean we were recommended to meet before applying to medical school. In our first meeting he asked me a very reasonable question, one that I should have been able to answer and that certainly medical school admission committees would expect me to answer. “Why do you want to be a doctor?” This was a more complicated question for me than it should have been because I had only recently decided to apply to medical school after a chance encounter at Yale had persuaded me not to become a straight arrow biology researcher (a story for another time) and I was increasingly drawn to my computer science classes. But I did have an overall motivation so I answered “I want to save lives!” Seemed right to me. The Dean then asked “Well why not become a fireman?”

    I stuttered as I swayed between wondering how he had come to that question and trying to come up with a coherent answer. I tried the direct approach and explained that although being a fireman was an honorable profession and did save lives, it was not what I wanted to do. I didn’t think I had the build to be an effective fireman (true but possibly remediable) and I also wanted to do medical research. After some follow-up questions, I don’t think I convinced the Dean, but that was where my pitch landed.

    That conversation has stayed with me for decades. I loved my medical training and despite some anticipatory anxiety, my residency training was among the happiest times in my life. It was great to take care of patients and to be part of a clinical team. But I kept asking myself “Was I saving lives?” Were there patients who could, in theory, point to me and assuredly declaim that I had added years to their life? I had to first unburden myself from a higher standard, one exemplified by my late mother who, while being effectively treated for multiple myeloma at the Dana Farber Cancer Institute, explained to me that while she appreciated her oncologist, the lion’s share of her gratitude was reserved for Professor Kaelin, who had made the discovery that led to the availability of the treatment that was so helpful to her. That is, in a Talmudic hierarchy of contributions to human welfare, she prized those who had unique, unsubstitutable contributions. An interesting and defensible standard, but not one which I’ll explore here.

    So how many lives are saved by doctors? I was worried about the answer because I was well aware of the historical change in longevity and the very clear relationship to sanitation and nutrition. Against that background even major wins like antibiotics and vaccines were only a small blip. But then I recalled the babies I had resuscitated in the newborn intensive care unit (NICU). If I had not been successful, they would be dead. And in the utilitarian framework I had not only saved their life but, because they might go on to live a full life span, I had saved a lot of life. That is, on average I had saved 79 (the average lifespan of an American) life-years. I’ve made several simplifications to get us briskly through the back-of-the-envelope (BOTE) estimate (e.g. discounting future life-years, sharing credit for the life-years with the senior doctors backing up the residents, discounting quality of life after complications of their NICU stay etc.).

    Resuscitations were no longer something I did when I was a pediatric endocrine fellow. Perhaps I could share credit for saving the life of a 3 year old with diabetic ketoacidosis (BOTE, I saved 79 – 3 years = 76. Let’s give the rest of the care team 80% credit, so I saved 76 years and get 20% credit ~15 life-years). Similarly for the cases of first presentations of Addison’s Disease, Diabetes Insipidus and a handful of other conditions. But what about the bread and butter of pediatric endocrine practice? How much was I adding to the life span of a patient with type I diabetes mellitus? Perhaps I was helpful in improving glycemic control by providing lifestyle advice and adjustment of insulin dose? Might that account for another 5-10 years of life? Yet I was one of a large cast of characters contributing to that effort, not least of which was the patient. Would a 5% share in 5 years (3 months) be a fair apportionment? Across 100 such patients it might still add up to 3 * 100 / 12 = 25 life-years. Not bad. But how about the patients who presented with evaluation of short stature? Let’s take a specific case of a boy who stopped growing and I diagnosed him with primary hypothyroidism and after thyroid supplementation he started growing again. It is unlikely he would go through life undiagnosed for that common disease. Perhaps my clinical acumen allowed me to diagnose him a couple of years earlier than another doctor. So let’s give me two years of improved quality of life (less constipation, better class performance, generally less fatigued and improved height). Let’s just arbitrarily stipulate that his quality of life went from 80% to 100% of what it would otherwise have been. So 20% of 2 years is 4.8 months. One hundred patients would be 4.8 * 100 / 12 = 40 life-years. However, I am not going to attempt to make a total estimate for life-years saved as much of my professional time has been devoted to research and I would therefore serve as a poor exemplar of the lives saved by pediatric endocrinologists.

    Instead, let’s come up with some estimates for different medical specialties. By necessity these will be inaccurate BOTE calculations, but I am looking for order of magnitude estimates. I will try to be overly generous without being unrealistic. The details and assumptions for these ultrasimple models are shared below.

    I just picked a few medical professions. For each one, in generating the BOTE life-years, I have not estimated career-long achievements. Instead all figures are per-worker (doctor) per year, 3% discount, with explicit attribution haircuts of the sort illustrated above. Note that I first estimate for the US and then divide by the number of workers/doctors in that profession to make the estimate. To allow you to correct or counter any mistaken assumptions or missing data, I have linked to the spreadsheets (which also document some of the data sources) from which the summaries below were generated. Further down, I compress the results into two pictures — one showing a curious inversion between per-worker impact and national footprint, and, purely as a sideshow, one asking what each profession’s paycheck implies in dollars per life-year.

    As I said at the beginning of this essay, this exploration down a rabbit hole was triggered by a conversation I had 46 years ago. It’s not meant to weigh the human value of any profession.

    All the models below use a 3% discount factor per year. That is, people, individually and collectively, generally prefer good health now over the identical good health later. If you do not like that assumption, you can tweak it in the spreadsheet.

    General surgeon in an urban hospital practice

    A bottom-up model of QALYs saved by a typical urban general surgeon across seven life-threatening emergency operations. Value comes from a few high-counterfactual acute rescues; headline ~15 QALYs/surgeon/year after attributing 60% of the credit to the surgeon — i.e., the surgeon keeps 60% and the remaining 40% is shared with the anesthesia, OR, and ICU team.

    CategoryNet lives/yr (US)National QALYs/yr
    Strangulated bowel obstruction~36,000~342,000
    Trauma laparotomy~12,800~256,000
    Complicated cholecystitis~9,000~105,000
    Perforated peptic ulcer~10,000~95,000
    Necrotizing soft-tissue infection~3,750~46,000
    Appendectomy~2,000~28,000
    Mesenteric ischemia~4,500~25,000
    Per surgeon (attributed)~15 QALYs/yr

    Urban primary care doctor

    A bottom-up “panel of 2,000” model plus a top-down mortality anchor (from Basu et al.) for an urban adult PCP. Value is dominated by prevention and quality-of-life, not acute rescue; headline ~27 QALYs/PCP/year.

    Pathway groupExamplesNote
    Prevention + mortalityHypertension, diabetes, lipids, screening, vaccinesLargest cluster
    Morbidity / QoLDepression, chronic symptom controlBigger than any single mortality lever
    Per PCP (attributed ~37%)~27 QALYs/yr (could easily range from 15–30)

    Neonatologist

    A stratified-by-gestational-age model of QALYs saved in the NICU, with disability-weighted survival. Highest per-worker of any profession (~96 QALYs/neonatologist/year) because saved lives are newborns; extremely sensitive to the discount rate.

    Gestational-age bandNet lives/yrNational QALYs/yr
    Extremely preterm (<28 wk)~13,600~300,000
    Very preterm (28–31 wk)~18,000~441,000
    Moderate preterm (32–33 wk)~7,560~204,000
    Late preterm (34–36 wk)~3,500~98,000
    Term critically ill~9,000~229,000
    Per neonatologist (attributed 40%)~96 QALYs/yr (0% discount ~230; 5% ~60)

    Firefighter

    A multi-pathway model for an urban career firefighter; EMS first response (cardiac arrest, overdose) dominates, not fire suppression. Large aggregate impact but very low per-worker (~0.56 QALYs/year) because ~370,000 firefighters share a diffuse chain-of-survival.

    PathwaySystem net lives/yrAttributed QALYs/yr
    Cardiac arrest (CPR/AED)~36,750~99,000
    Opioid overdose (naloxone)~30,000~80,000
    Fire suppression & rescue~2,500~12,000
    Vehicle extrication~1,500~9,000
    Fire prevention~1,000~5,000
    Per firefighter (attributed 30%)~0.56 QALYs/yr

    Summary I

    The table below summarizes the four models above. Firefighters are the same order of magnitude as general surgeons in aggregate. But because there are so many more firefighters than general surgeons, the per-person QALYs saved is larger for the surgeons. Primary care however wins on aggregate precisely because it’s diffuse. And there’s the rub, we have not succeeded in training or recruiting primary care doctors for decades. The growing gap between supply and demand in primary care is exactly what drove me to write the “Compared with What? Measuring AI against the Health Care We Have” perspective:

    ProfessionQALYs/worker/yrAttributionNational attributed QALYs/yr
    Neonatologist~9640%~510,000
    Primary care MD~2737%~5,500,000 (approx)
    General surgeon~1560%~540,000
    Firefighter~0.630%~206,000

    The inversion is easier to see as a picture: per-worker value and national footprint run in opposite directions. A neonatologist accounts for roughly 170 times the annual life-years of a firefighter, but there are about 70 times more firefighters and primary care sits low per doctor while its national bubble dwarfs everything else.

    There are implications here for the scale-up of primary-care with AI but that’s for a different blog post.

    Summary II — What if mortality, not quality, matters?

    How much does the quality of life considerations impact the above life-year estimated? Here are the same four professions re-run under a strict rule. Let’s just say all we care about is saving that person’s life. Not making it better quality. So, for pure life-years (no quality weighting), mortality only, direct personally-performed interventions only. Let’s remove prevention and quality of life credits and what we see is a reordering of the professions and the collapse of primary care.

    ProfessionStrict life-years/worker/yrvs QALY viewWhy
    Neonatologist~116↑ from 96Disability weighting removed
    General surgeon~22↑ from 15All acute rescue; quality weight removed
    Primary care MD~5 → ~10–13*↓ from 27*Depends on the definition: ~5 if chronic-disease medication is treated as excluded “prevention”; ~10–13 if the fatal events it prevents (e.g. a stroke averted after years of blood-pressure control) are counted as direct mortality credit. See Version note.
    Firefighter~0.8~flat from 0.6Already direct rescue

    Sideshow — what do we pay per life-year?

    Having computed QALYs per worker, I gave in to the temptation to make a meaningless comparison: life-year per dollar of salary. Take a rough annual compensation for each profession. That is, approximately $380,000 for a neonatologist, $410,000 for a general surgeon, and $290,000 for a primary care doctor (from recent physician compensation surveys), and the Bureau of Labor Statistics median of $59,530 for a firefighter, and divide by the QALYs per worker per year from Summary I. The result is the wage cost of one quality-adjusted life-year, which can be set against the $50,000–$150,000 per QALY that US health economists conventionally treat as “worth paying” for a medical treatment. By this deliberately narrow (and as we shall see bogus) yardstick, every profession is a bargain: a neonatologist’s salary buys a quality-adjusted life-year for about $4,000, a primary care doctor’s for about $10,500, a general surgeon’s for about $27,000, and a firefighter’s for about $106,000 — the only one that even reaches the range we routinely pay for a single drug.

    Before anyone quotes these numbers, here is some of what they deliberately ignore and therefore render them bogus:

    • Training costs. A general surgeon stands on 13+ years of post-secondary education and training (college, medical school, five or more years of residency), much of it publicly subsidized through graduate medical education; a firefighter’s academy is measured in months. Amortizing training would raise the physician bars considerably while barely moving the firefighter’s.
    • Ancillary resources, facilities and supplies. None of the enabling infrastructure is counted: operating rooms, anesthesia and nursing teams, drugs and devices behind each surgeon; NICU beds are among the most expensive real estate in any hospital. Further, behind each neonatologist, dozens of devices each that require expert maintenance and debuggin. Of course there are, engines and protective equipment behind each firefighter. Yet the figures above are wages per QALY, not the more relevant cost per QALY.
    • The rest of the team. The QALY numerators were already haircut to one worker’s attributed share, but delivering that share still requires paying everyone else in the chain.
    • Average, not marginal. These are average figures; the next worker hired adds less than the average one (Basu’s marginal-PCP estimate shows how large that gap can be), and real purchasing decisions happen at the margin.
    • Non-QALY outputs. Firefighters protect property and provide disaster response; physicians teach and generate research. None of that is in the numerator.

    Training is the one we can at least sketch. A worker only delivers value after the pipeline is finished, so if we amortize that pipeline over, say, a 15-year working window, the per-year rate becomes the raw rate multiplied by 15/(15 + years of training). This is crude. It ignores discounting, assumes a flat 15-year career, and counts college as “training.” It does however makes the surgeon-versus-firefighter contrast concrete. A decade-plus physician pipeline erases close to half of the annual rate, while a firefighter’s academy erases about a sixteenth. It narrows the gap between the professions without closing it.

    And, as with everything above, the BOTE error bars propagate: the discount-rate and attribution levers move these dollar figures by the same 2–4×.

    And here are the links to the spreadsheets used to make the above tables:

    Neonatology sheet

    General Surgery sheet

    Primary Care sheet

    Firefighter sheet

    Summary Comparison

    Summary Comparison but only mortality, not quality of life

    Loud caveat: given that this is Back Of The Envelope (BOTE) methodology, every table should ber at most taken for order-of-magnitude estimates, and two levers (the discount rate and the attribution haircut) move them by 2–4×, so these are best framed as illustrative structure, not a precise leaderboard.

    So, maybe, all those years ago, I could have told the pre-med Dean, “I’d prefer to be a doctor and I’ve estimated that individually I am more likely to save more life-years.” I suspect a psych eval would have then followed shortly, as well as a warning to all medical school admissions committees.

    I will be returning to it in the near future in discussing the impact of various health interventions, including the use of AI. Credit attribution is going to be interesting.

    If you spot any gross errors in the above BOTE calculations, please let me know.

    Version note

    Updated 16 July 2026, in response to the first comment (thank you, rs).

    • Clarified the surgeon attribution wording. The “60%” is the share the surgeon keeps (attributed = gross × 0.60), not the fraction removed; the other 40% is shared with the anesthesia, OR and ICU team.
    • Primary care in Summary II was too harsh at ~5. A prevented fatal stroke after years of blood-pressure control is a death averted and belongs on the same footing as a surgeon’s averted death; discounting already handles the delay. Counting those fatal events as direct mortality credit lifts strict primary care to ~10–13 life-years/PCP/year, roughly halving the gap to surgery (~22). The ~5 figure only holds if chronic-disease medication is excluded as “prevention.”
    • The firefighter figure is, if anything, generous rather than harsh: its two dominant pathways (cardiac arrest and opioid overdose) are exactly where credit is most diffuse and “a life saved” is least certain, so ~0.6 QALYs/year is closer to a ceiling than a floor.
    • EMS and nursing are the natural next professions. Early guess: once each carries a modest explicit attribution, nurse → primary care → surgeon likely cluster within about one order of magnitude, leaving neonatology and firefighting as the two outliers. This is a surprisingly small spread across the acute-care middle.
  • The Medical Alignment Problem—A Primer for AI Practitioners.

    Version 0.6 (Revision history at the bottom) November, 30, 2023

    Much has been written about harmonizing AI with our ethical standards, a topic of great significance that still demands further exploration. Yet, an even more urgent matter looms: realigning our healthcare systems to better serve patients and society as a whole. We must confront a hard truth: the alignment of these systems with our needs has always been imperfect, and the situation is deteriorating.

    My purpose is not to sway healthcare policy but to shed light on this issue for a specific audience: my peers in computer science, along with students in both medicine and computer science. They frequently pose questions to me, prompting this examination. These inquiries aren’t just academic or mercantile; they reflect a deep concern about how our healthcare systems are failing to meet their most fundamental objectives and an intense desire to bring their own expertise, energy and optimism to address these failures.

    A sampling of these questions

    • Which applications to clinical medicine are ripe for improvement or disruption by the application of AI?
    • What do I have to demonstrate to get my AI program adopted?
    • Who decides which programs are approved or paid for?
    • This program we’ve developed helps patients. So why are doctors, nurses and other healthcare personnel so reluctant to use our program?
    • Why can’t I just market this program directly to patients?

    To avoid immediately disappointing any reader, beware, I am not going to answer those questions here although I have done so in the past and will continue to do so. Here I will focus only on the misalignment between organized/establishment healthcare and its mission to improve the health of members of our society. Understanding the misalignment is a necessary preamble to answering the questions of the sort listed above.

    Basic Facts of Misalignment of Healthcare

    Let’s proceed to some of the basic facts about the healthcare system and the growing misalignments. Again, many of these pertain to several developed countries but they are most applicable to the US.

    Primary care is the where you go for preventive care (e.g. yearly checkups) and go first when you have a medical problem. In the US, primary care doctors are amongst the lowest paid. They also have a constantly increasing administrative burden. As a result, despite the growing needs for primary care with the graying of our citizens, the gap between the number of primacy care doctors and the need for such doctors may exceed 40,000 within the next 10 years in the US alone.

    In response to the growing gap between the demand for primary care and the availability of primary care doctors, the U.S. healthcare system has seen a notable increase in the employment of nurse practitioners (NPs) and physician assistants (PAs). These professionals now constitute an estimated 25% of the primary care workforce in the United States, a figure that is expected to rise in the coming years.

    You might think that the fact that U.S. doctors earn roughly double the income of doctors in Europe would result in a stable workload. Despite this higher pay, they face relentless pressure, often exerted by department heads or hospital administrators, to see more patients each day.

    The thorough processes that were once the hallmark of medical training—careful patient history taking, physical examinations, crafting thoughtful diagnostic or management plans, and consulting with colleagues—are now often condensed into forms that barely resemble their original intent. This transformation of medical practice into a high-pressure, high-volume environment contributes to several profound issues: clinician burnout, patient dissatisfaction, and an increased likelihood of clinical errors. These issues highlight a growing disconnect between the healthcare system’s operational demands and the foundational principles of medical practice. This misalignment not only affects healthcare professionals but also has significant implications for patient care and safety.


    The acute workforce shortage in healthcare extends well beyond the realm of primary care, touching various subspecialties that are often less lucrative and, perhaps as a result, perceived as less prestigious. Fields such as Developmental Medicine, where children are assessed for conditions like ADHD and autism, pediatric infectious disease, pediatric endocrinology, and geriatrics, consistently face the challenge of unfilled positions year after year.

    This shortage is compounded by a growing trend among medical professionals seeking careers outside of clinical practice. Recent surveys indicate that about one-quarter of U.S. doctors are exploring non-clinical career paths in areas such as industry, writing, or education. Similarly, in the UK, half of the junior doctors are considering alternatives to clinical work. This shift away from patient-facing roles points to deeper issues within the healthcare system, including job dissatisfaction, the allure of less stressful or more financially rewarding careers, and perhaps a disillusionment with the current state of medical practice. This trend not only reflects the personal choices of healthcare professionals but also underscores a systemic issue that could further exacerbate the existing shortages in crucial medical specialties, ultimately impacting patient care and the overall effectiveness of the healthcare system.

    Doctors have been burned by information technology: Electronic health records (EHRs). Initially introduced as a tool to enhance healthcare delivery, EHRs have increasingly been utilized primarily for documenting care for reimbursement purposes. This shift in focus has led to a significant disconnect between the potential of these systems and their actual use in clinical settings. Most of the currently widely used implementations over the last 15 years have rococo user interfaces that would offend the sensibilities of most “less is more” advocates. Many technologists will be unaware of the details of clinicians’ experience with these systems because EHR companies will have contractually imposed gag orders to prevent doctors from publishing screenshots. Yet these same EHR systems are widely understood to be major contributors to doctor burnout and general disaffection with clinical care. These same EHR’s cost millions (hundreds of millions for a large hospital) and have made many overtaxed hospital information technology leaders wary of adopting new technologies.

    At least 25% of the US healthcare costs are administrative. This administrative overhead heaped atop of the provisioning of healthcare services includes the tug of war between healthcare providers and healthcare payors on how much to bill and how much to reimburse. It also includes the authorization for procedures, referrals, the multiple emails and calls to coordinate care between the members of the care team writ large (pharmacist, visiting nurse, rehabilitation hospital, social worker) and the multiple pieces of documentation entailed by each patient encounter (e.g. post-visit note to the patient, to the billing department, to a referring doctor). These non-clinical tasks don’t have the same liability as patient care and the infrastructure to execute them is more mature. As noted by David Cutler and colleagues, this makes it very likely that administrative processes will present the greatest initial opportunity for a broad foothold of AI into the processes of healthcare.

    Even in centralized, nationalized healthcare systems there is a natural pressure to do something when faced with a patient who is suffering or worried. Watchful waiting, when medically prudent, requires ensuring that the patient understands that not doing anything might be the best course of action. This requires the doctor to establish trust during the first visit and in future visits, so the patient can be confident that their doctor will be vigilant and ready to change course when needed. This requires a lot more time and communication than many simple treatments or procedures. The pressure to treat is even more acute when reimbursement for healthcare is under a fee-for-service system, as is the case for at least 1/3 of US healthcare. That is, doctors get paid for delivering treatments rather than better outcome. One implication is that advice (by humans or AI) to not deliver a treatment might be in financial conflict with the interests of the clinician.

    The substrate for medical decision-making is high-quality data about the patients in our care. Those data are often obtained at considerable effort, cost and risk to the patient (e.g, when involving a diagnostic procedure). Sharing those data across healthcare wherever it is provided has been an obvious and long-sought goal. Yet in many countries, patient data remains locked in propriety systems or accessible to only a few designees. Systematic and continual movement of patient data to follow them across countries is relatively rare and incomplete. EHR companies that have large marketshare therefore have outsized leverage in influencing the process of healthcare, of guiding medical leaders to market patient data (e.g for market research or training AI models). They are often also aligned with healthcare systems that would rather not share clinical data with their competitors. Fortunately, the 21st Century Cures act passed by the US congress has explicitly provided for the support of APIs such as SMART-on-FHIR to allow patients to transport their data to other systems. The infrastructure to support this transport is still in its infancy but has been accelerated by companies such as Apple which have provided customers access to their own healthcare records across hundreds of hospitals.

    Finally, at the time of this writing (2023) hospitals and healthcare systems are under enormous pressure to deliver care in a more timely and safer fashion and simultaneously are financially fragile. This double jeopardy was accentuated by the consequences of the 2020 pandemic. It may also be that the pandemic merely accelerated the ongoing misalignment between medical capabilities, professional rewards, societal healthcare needs and an increasingly anachronistic and inefficient medical education and training process. The stresses caused by the misalignment may create cracks into which new models of healthcare may find a growing niche but it might also bolster powerful reactionary forces to preserve the status quo.

    Did I miss an important gap relevant to AI/CS scientists, developers or entrepreneurs? Let me know by posting in this post’s comments section (which I moderate) or just reply to my X/Twitter post @zakkohane.

    VersionComment
    0.1Initially covered many more woes of medicine
    0.2Refocused on bits most relevant to AI developers/computer scientists.
    0.3Removed many details that detracted from the message
    0.4Inserted the kinds of questions that I have answered in the past but need to first provide this bulletized version of the misalignments of the healthcare system as a necessary preamble.
    0.5Added more content on EHR’s and corrected cut and paste errors! (Sorry!)
    0.6Added positions unfilled as per https://twitter.com/jbcarmody/status/1729933555810132429/photo/1
    Version History